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2026 · NV · House · district 2
← All racesTeresa Benitez-Thompson (D) vs David Flippo (R)
Polls
Flippo +1.5
2 polls, weighted · none independently paid for
Undertow
Benitez-Thompson +0.1
± 4.9 · my call, frozen Nov 2
The pull
1.6 → D
Undertow minus the polls
the polls Undertow, my call
Chance to win, at my bet
Benitez-Thompson 51%Flippo 49%
From 20,000 simulated elections in which polling misses move together across states. How
The district
The polls
Not enough polls on both sides to compare polls that weight on recalled 2024 vote with polls that do not.
The polls
Why the pull
The adjustment starts from the polling read above and adds up to three terms. Recent polling error: a lean toward Democrats, sized for each state. Spending: outside money in the two weeks to 2026-11-02, compared with what a race this close usually draws, read against the state’s 2024 presidential result. Early vote: where the state reports early voters’ party registration, how far its shift since 2022 runs ahead of or behind the other states’.
Spending and the state’s polling record are two witnesses to where this year’s miss lands. Each is weighted by how reliable it has been in 44 Senate races from 2020 and 2022: the state record counts 56% and spending 44%, at 1.26 points per standard deviation of extra money. Spending is measured against other races this year, so it places the miss; it does not size the national lean. Early vote counts 0.38 points per point of relative shift, fit on 22 states in the 2018 and 2022 midterms, each against the midterm before; held out a year at a time, it cut the average miss from 4.0 to 3.8 points. The national polling-error lean is 1.9 points, give or take 2.8: in regular elections in every off-year since 1999 (specials and Louisiana primaries left out), about a quarter of that year’s polling miss repeated in the next year’s elections, and the 2025 miss was 7.3 points toward Democrats. The margin of error includes both the uncertainty in that carryover share and how far a year has strayed from it in the past, along with the race-by-race error of a final polling average, about 4 points. That history is thin: in a replay of the lean on past races, results landed inside a band built this way 62% of the time, short of the 68% a well-sized band would cover, so treat the ± as a floor. Each state then moves by 0.69 times its own average miss against the national miss over the last 12 years; here that is -0.4 points across 6 election cycles.
Outside spending is FEC independent expenditures only; campaigns’ own ad budgets and reservations are not included. Polls missed Democrats last fall by more than in any off-year on record, and kept missing them this spring. The undertow bets part of that carries into November. Outside spending, read as a sign of where campaigns' internal polls stand, is weighed against each state's own polling record to place the miss race by race, and early voting adds where it can be measured like for like. Frozen on November 2 and graded against certified results beside the polls.
Every poll
▲ Weights on 2024 vote● Does not■ UnknownRecalled 2024 vote used in weighting
All non-quarantined stored variants. Principal selection and primary verification are separate from recall classification; a displayed estimate need not enter an average. Quarantined rows appear only on Excluded.
| Pollster / field dates | D / R share | Margin | Recall | Stratum | Selection / source |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| GBAOPaid by a partisan groupDemocratic-alignedAug 31–Sep 3 | 38.0 / 37.0 | D +1.0 | ■ UNVERIFIED | NA / LV / FULLSeptember | Principal · primary YESGBAO release |
| Public Policy PollingPaid by a partisan groupDemocratic-alignedOct 12–Oct 13 | 44.0 / 46.0 | R +2.0 | ■ UNVERIFIED | NA / LV / FULLOctober | Principal · primary YESPublic Policy Polling release |